DRAPED in a yellow cape and black mask, Javier Milei stepped onto a Buenos Aires stage as a makeshift superhero.
Brandishing a salvaged sceptre and wearing kitchen gloves, he declared his mission: to rescue capitalism and restore individual liberty to Argentina.
That was in 2019, when Milei was a fringe libertarian economist and television personality railing against a political establishment that largely dismissed him.
Today, he is Argentina’s president, a global right-wing star who has tamed runaway inflation and cultivated close ties with US President Donald Trump.
And his superhero alter ego has returned. Reimagined as an artificial intelligence-generated animated character on the president’s social media accounts, the masked crusader flies over the Buenos Aires skyline repeating Milei’s central message: the need for a “cultural battle”.
This time, Milei has the power to wage it.
His ambition extends beyond shrinking the state and balancing public finances. He wants to reshape how Argentines think about society, government and individual responsibility.
He seeks to dismantle what he calls the “aberrant” ideas of social justice and economic equality, replacing them with capitalism, free markets, limited government and individualism.
“We are at war,” Milei said at a right-wing festival last year. “We are fighting a cultural struggle, an ideological battle, a war for the survival of our freedom.”
Through speeches, policy changes and a torrent of social media posts, he has sought to infuse Argentina with libertarian ideals and turn the country into a model for like-minded movements abroad.
The shift is striking in a nation known for extensive public healthcare and education systems, as well as decades of state support for utilities and public transport.
It is also a country where communal traditions run deep. Sharing mate, the national infusion, is a social ritual. Critics argue Milei’s emphasis on self-reliance cuts against that culture.
“He is trying to break our DNA,” said opposition lawmaker Juan Grabois. “To destroy the communal identity of our people.”
Supporters, however, argue that decades of state dependency weakened initiative and entrepreneurship.
A struggle for the soul
At the World Economic Forum in Davos in January, Milei argued that wealth redistribution is immoral, winning praise from conservatives abroad.
Soon after returning home, he travelled to the Atlantic resort city of Mar del Plata to headline Derecha Fest, or “Right Fest”, a gathering of Argentina’s growing right-wing movement.
“The enemy is beaten – wounded politically, culturally and ideologically,” far-right pundit Nicolas Marquez told the crowd before Milei took the stage.
“The cultural battle,” he declared, “is a struggle for our souls.”
For supporters such as Natalia Paola Romero, 42, who works at a children’s shelter, the change is already visible.
“I see the change he brought to Argentina’s culture,” she said. “Promoting hard work and respect instead of laziness.”
Milei often argues that years of left-leaning governments encouraged dependence on the state. He has described public universities as centres of “woke” indoctrination and labelled many government employees and researchers “parasites”.
His target is also the legacy of Peronism, the movement that for decades placed social justice and a strong state at the centre of Argentine political life. Repeated economic crises gradually eroded faith in that model.
“The rhetoric of social rights just became empty talk,” said Argentine writer and academic Martin Kohan. “It doesn’t touch the concrete reality of many workers.”
Some analysts argue that Milei’s popularity stems more from economic results than ideological conviction. Supporters may welcome lower inflation without embracing every aspect of his worldview.
Testing the limits
Repairing Argentina’s economy remains Milei’s most pressing challenge. By most accounts, it is also his greatest passion.
Yet economic reform is only one front in his campaign.
Milei has launched attacks on identity politics reminiscent of the Maga movement in the United States. He has closed the ministry of women and the national anti-discrimination institute, while promoting a more revisionist interpretation of Argentina’s military dictatorship.
“We are out of the closet,” said Agustin Laje, a conservative author whose book is titled The Cultural Battle.
Laje’s audience has changed dramatically. Once dominated by older military sympathisers, he said, “80% are under 30”.
Values and the wallet
Analysts say social media has helped Milei connect with young men, but his broader appeal reflects deeper social changes.
After years of stagnant wages, rising informal work and economic instability, many Argentines have already adopted a mindset of self-reliance, said sociologist Pablo Seman.
“Milei did not invent it, Milei did not install it, he channelled it,” he said.
Younger generations have grown up amid years of economic stagnation and periods of inflation exceeding 200%. As public services deteriorated, Seman argues, “the social contract was broken”.
That helps explain why some Argentines are receptive to proposals once considered politically untouchable, including cuts to pensions and disability benefits.
Yet resistance remains strong.
Critics argue that Milei’s vision promotes an extreme individualism that undermines social solidarity. Recent polls suggest his popularity has slipped as inflation edges higher and free-market reforms contribute to business closures.
“The danger goes beyond the material worsening of our living conditions; it’s a loss of our national identity,” said researcher Manuel Samaja, 27, at a protest against the government.
Lower inflation has given Milei room to pursue his ideological project. But its durability may depend on whether he can deliver lasting growth and rising living standards. If not, his effort to remake Argentina’s values could prove far more fragile than the superhero image suggests. — ©2026 The New York Times Company
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
