Sudanese army soldiers parading in the streets of eastern Sudan’s city of Gedaref in this file pic from Aug 14, 2025, to mark the 71st anniversary of the formation of the Sudanese army. — AFP
HUNDREDS of Colombian ex-soldiers were drawn to Sudan with the promise of lucrative Emirati salaries.
What many found instead was death in a faraway war marked by mass killing, rape, famine and child recruitment.
An investigation reveals how Colombian mercenaries ended up in Darfur through a network stretching from the Andes to Sudan, combining WhatsApp recruitment, corporate arrangements and covert travel through Libya and Somalia.
Initially recruited via WhatsApp, recruits were flown to the UAE for brief training before being deployed to Sudan via at least two routes: through UAE-loyalist eastern Libya or a stopover at a Bosaso airbase in Somalia, reportedly hosting Emirati military officials.
Geolocated footage from the mercenaries places them at some of the worst fighting in Darfur.
The mission, according to a former partner of a sanctioned retired Colombian colonel, aimed to place 2,500 men in the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which has been accused of genocide.
Sudan has been torn by war between the RSF and the army since 2023, with regional powers including the UAE, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran fuelling the conflict.
Foreign mercenaries, mostly from Africa, have joined both sides, but Colombians are sought for their expertise in drone and artillery operations.
Paid between US$2,500 and US$4,000 a month – up to six times their army pensions – many veterans risked everything for the pay.
On Dec 9, the US sanctioned four Colombians and their companies for their role in the transnational network, but did not name the Emirati node: a private security contractor called Global Security Services Group (GSSG) based in Abu Dhabi.
The UAE denies backing the RSF.
Back home in Colombia, families suffer in silence.
“They still haven’t brought his body home,” said one widow of a 33-year-old ex-soldier killed within three months of arriving in Sudan.
Though the RSF commands tens of thousands of fighters, most are low-skilled; the Colombians’ training made them a potent addition.
Verified videos show Colombians driving past the charred ruins of Zamzam camp, where more than 400,000 people fled and up to 1,000 were killed in massacres.
Other footage shows Colombians posing with boys holding assault rifles or training fighters to fire rocket launchers.
A militia allied with the army reported up to 80 Colombians joined the siege of El-Fasher, which fell in October.
Sudanese authorities claim at least 43 were killed. Colombia’s foreign ministry said an unspecified number were “tricked” by trafficking networks.
The recruitment often began with WhatsApp messages: “Any veterans interested in working? We’re looking for reservists from any force. Details via DM.”
One drone specialist, 37, was told the job was in Dubai, only to later learn he would be deployed to Africa.
Many veterans took the opportunity despite warnings from friends already working in the Emirates.
Some fighters documented their journey online.
One Christian Lombana posted TikTok videos placing him in Libya, a corridor for the RSF controlled by UAE-backed Khalifa Haftar.
His convoy was later ambushed in the Darfur desert; footage showed his documents and family photos scattered in the sand.
Retired Colombian colonel Alvaro Quijano is named as the recruitment organiser.
Former business partner Omar Rodriguez says Quijano “paused” operations after desert ambushes.
Mercenaries reportedly began transiting through Bosaso in Somalia, where UAE-run sections of a military base host foreign platoons.
Satellite imagery confirms regular cargo flights, linked to RSF supply lines via Chad.
In November, a data leak of Somalia’s e-visa system reportedly exposed personal information of at least 35,000 people, allegedly including Colombians transiting to Sudan.
UAE officials deny claims of supplying or facilitating weapons to warring parties, condemning atrocities on both sides.
The US Treasury has sanctioned Quijano and his wife Claudia Oliveros as key nodes in the transnational network.
Documents show some Colombians were hired as “security guards”, with salaries routed through a Panama-registered firm under GSSG.
Despite legal crackdowns in Colombia banning mercenary recruitment, the flow of veterans continues to war zones worldwide.
For many, it was too late. One 25-year-old ex-soldier died in Sudan; his ashes have returned to Colombia. — AFP
