EVERY generation likes to believe it is politically mature. In reality, political maturity develops slowly through experience, disappointment, mistakes, and the occasional political earthquake.
Continuous journey
The first major turning point was the Umno crisis of 1987 and the subsequent deregistration of Umno in 1988, which led to the formation of Umno Baru and Semangat 46. Younger Malay-sians may not appreciate how shocking this was at the time. Since Merdeka, Umno had been regarded not merely as a political party but as the principal vehicle for Malay political interests. Many Malays viewed support for Umno as almost synonymous with support for the Malay community.
The split challenged that assumption. Prominent Malay leaders attacked one another publicly, loyalties fractured, and Malays found themselves choosing between competing groups who all claimed to represent the same community. For many, this was the first major lesson that political interests and ambitions could override ethnic solidarity. It became apparent that politicians championing the same ethnic cause could pursue very different agendas.
The impact of this awakening became evident in the 1990 general elections. In Kelantan, Umno suffered a historic defeat at the hands of the Angkatan Perpa-duan Ummah coalition led by PAS and Semangat 46. While many interpreted this as a shift towards PAS, much of it initially reflected a protest against Umno rather than an ideological embrace of political Islam. The significance of 1990 was that Malays had demonstrated a willingness to vote against the party that had long claimed to be their sole political representative.
The second major turning point came with the dismissal of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in 1998. The event shocked many Malays and challenged long-held assumptions about power, authority, and political loyalty. Regardless of one’s views about Anwar, the episode prompted Malays to question institutions, narratives, and political certainties that had previously appeared unassailable.
More importantly, it introduced a political language that differed from the traditional ethnic framework. Anwar’s message that “Anak Melayu anak kita, anak Cina anak kita, anak India anak kita” represented a significant departure from conventional political narratives. For perhaps the first time in modern Malaysian politics, a major Malay political figure openly promoted a multiracial political vision as the centrepiece of his message. The idea did not transform politics overnight, but it planted important seeds.
Interest in issues
The next significant milestone came in 2008 when Barisan Nasional lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority and surrendered control of five states. Numerous factors contributed to the outcome, but one important development was the growing discomfort among many Malays with increasingly narrow ethnic rhetoric. At the same time, Malays had witnessed allegations of corruption, patronage, and the accumulation of wealth by political elites who claimed to act in the name of protecting Malay interests.
This experience was politically educational. It encouraged many Malays to realise that sharing the same ethnicity was no guarantee of integrity, competence, or commitment to public service. Gradually, voters became more interested in practical questions: how to improve the economy, reduce corruption, raise educational standards and manage the cost of living. These concerns cut across ethnic boundaries and increasingly influenced voting behaviour.
One of the more remarkable developments during this period was the willingness of some Malays to join parties such as DAP. Regardless of one’s political preferences, this represented a significant shift in political behaviour. It demonstrated a growing readiness among some Malays to evaluate parties beyond ethnic labels and historical perceptions.
The abolition of the Internal Security Act in 2012 also played a role in reshaping political discourse. The ISA had long cast a shadow over public discussion, particularly on sensitive issues involving ethnicity, religion, and national identity. Its abolition created greater space for debate. While not every discussion was constructive, Malaysians were increasingly able to engage openly with issues that had previously been approached with caution.
Evolving political landscape
Today, the political landscape continues to evolve. The emergence of multi-racial parties, shifting alliances, the formation of the unity government, and the growing influence of younger voters have all contributed to changing political narratives. Ethnic politics has not disappeared and is unlikely to disappear entirely in a diverse society such as Malaysia. How-ever, it is no longer the only lens through which many voters view politics.
Increasingly, politicians who rely solely on ethnic rhetoric are viewed with scepticism, including by members of their own communities. Many voters regard such appeals as evidence not of leadership but of a lack of substantive ideas. They expect politicians to address issues such as economic growth, healthcare, education, housing, governance, and public integrity.
Perhaps this is what political maturity looks like. It is not the abandonment of one’s ethnic identity nor the rejection of one’s community. Rather, it is the recognition that many of the challenges facing Malaysians are shared challenges. Inflation does not discriminate between races. Corruption does not select its victims by ethnicity. Poor public services affect everyone.
Political maturity begins when citizens recognise that while ethnicity remains part of who we are, it cannot be the answer to every question. Malay-sia’s future will depend not on who can best mobilise ethnic fears, but on who can best solve Malaysian problems with Malaysian solutions.
Senior lawyer Datuk Seri Jahaberdeen Mohamed Yunoos is the founder and chairman of Yayasan Rapera, an NGO that promotes community-based learning activities and compassionate thinking among Malaysians. The views expressed here are entirely his own.
