Who can tap into the anger?

Sabah STAR and SAPP members starting their campaign at the main entrance of Gaya Street Market in Kota Kinabalu during the recent Sabah state polls. — ZULAZHAR SHEBLEE/The Star

LET me show you a businessman who could become a Member of Parliament without telling you his name.

Inspired by social media “show not tell” memes, I decided to use periphrasis – a less straightforward way of saying something that could upset or embarrass -- in this week’s column to discuss this person. Let’s see if you can identify him by the end of the article.

Before I provide details, let’s take a look at the political conditions that could make this businessman an MP.

Are Chinese voters angry enough that they will vote for anyone but Pakatan Harapan in the 16th General Election (GE16)?

We must consider the possibility that the community in Peninsular Malaysia might follow the trend seen in the recently concluded Sabah state elections, when the Chinese rejected Pakatan – DAP and PKR, specifically – in urban seats.

To be clear, not all Chinese voters abandoned the two parties. However, they did deliver a clear political lesson. Their vote shift was dramatic enough to enable Parti Warisan to win seats with sizable numbers of Chinese voters, demonstrating that a credible local alternative can break Pakatan’s urban dominance.

A similar pattern emerged in the 2021 Sarawak state elections, in which Pakatan was nearly wiped out. DAP secured only two seats, a drastic fall from the seven it won in the 2016 state elections.

This occurred in Sarawak and Sabah because, the argument goes, both states had viable alternatives to Pakatan. In Sabah, it was Warisan. In Sarawak, voters either backed the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalition (especially the Sarawak United Peoples’ Party, or SUPP) or the strong local Opposition, Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB, now defunct).

In Peninsular Malaysia, however, there are seemingly no alternatives, with the political choice remaining heavily polarised: either Pakatan’s unity government or Perikatan Nasional, the Opposition coalition dominated by PAS.

Even those Chinese supporters no longer loyal to Pakatan fear voting for Perikatan, primarily because PAS has a history of imposing restrictions on non- Muslim practices and culture, like gambling, the sale of alcohol, and recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC).

Smaller national parties like Muda or Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) have not yet achieved enough electoral traction to be regarded as viable alternatives, with voters still viewing them as too minor to make a difference.

Yet there are warning signs of a shift in the peninsula too. In Kampung Papan, Klang, for instance, PSM observed that voters in this DAP stronghold celebrated the party’s hard political lesson in the Sabah polls.

The Chinese tsunami in Sabah has so unnerved DAP that it is now publicly exerting pressure on the PM. It has issued a six-month ultimatum to Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to implement meaningful institutional reforms to restore public confidence.

Now, on to the businessman. I had lunch with him in a mall in Subang Jaya, Selangor, on Friday, at which he stated that the DAP should not have issued the ultimatum, calling it an impossible benchmark. He pointed to the news that followed the ultimatum as damning proof that the establishment is not ready to comply:

The high profile decision by the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) not to proceed with its appeal against the High Court’s decision to acquit Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor of 17 money-laundering charges was a massive slap to the DAP, despite Anwar publicly explaining the decision by blaming it on former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and a former attorney general.

Another key promise has also stalled since the ultimatum was issued: The DAP asked the government to recognise the UEC. The PM approached the matter cautiously, with Umno leaders and other government officials making statements that effectively ruled out recognition, leaving DAP looking impotent.

A continued perception of DAP’s political impotence is likely to fuel growing anger within the Chinese community. The critical question is whether this resentment will translate into the party losing its stronghold seats in Peninsular Malaysia, mirroring the complete wipeout seen in the Sabah elections, the businessman said.

Are Peninsular Malaysians ready to be like Sabahans who voted in five independent candidates?

Maybe not. The independents won in seats that were not Pakatan strongholds, and the reasons Sabahans voted for them differ from those that caused the swing against PKR and DAP in urban seats.

But, arguably, independent candidate P. Prabakaran secured the Batu seat in Kuala Lumpur in the 2018 general elections precisely because Pakatan swiftly endorsed him after its original candidate, Tian Chua, was disqualified over a disputed fine.

Aside from being an independent, the businessman I am considering could also be a Warisan candidate. The recent Sabah polls have fundamentally changed that party’s aspirations.

Warisan suffered a complete defeat in Peninsular Malaysia during GE15 in 2018, losing all 26 seats it contested. Prominent candidates who lost included former MCA president Tan Sri Ong Tee Keat, former Jelutong MP Jeff Ooi, and former Wangsa Maju MP Wee Choo Keong.

However, the party is down but not out. Despite failing to reinstall its president, Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal, as Sabah chief minister, it still had a strong showing in the state elections, taking Chinese-majority seats from DAP and PKR, and this has restored its overconfidence.

Mathematically, given its urban victories, it could win parliamentary seats like Kota Kinabalu and Sandakan in GE16, with Penampang and Tawau also within reach.

Buoyed by its recent success, Warisan may want to provide Peninsular voters with an alternative once again. Warisan’s narrative is that since the DAP suffered an 8-0 shutout in Sabah, it can achieve similar success against the Rocket in Peninsular Malaysia.

This prompted me to consider an independent or Warisan candidate who could tap into the anger of Chinese voters.

The businessman I have in mind reminds me of two political figures who were whistleblowers.

The first is a Thai politician whom I covered while based in Bangkok between 2006 and 2010. Chuwit Kamolvisit is a controversial figure who gained notoriety as Thailand’s most prominent massage parlour owner, earning him the nickname “the brothel king”.

After his arrest in 2003 for the illegal demolition of businesses on land he had purchased, Chuwit flipped the script, transforming himself into a whistleblower by exposing the bribes he had paid to police officials to maintain his businesses.

He then entered politics, forming his own party and eventually winning a seat as a Member of Parliament, effectively reinventing himself as an anti-corruption crusader.

The second figure is closer to home: a former MP for Kelana Jaya, the parliamentary constituency where I live in USJ Subang Jaya, Selangor.

Loh Gwo Burne gained prominence as a whistleblower after secretly recording a video that became known as the “Lingam Tape” scandal in 2007. The recording showed a prominent lawyer discussing the brokering of judicial appointments, and was eventually confirmed to be authentic by a royal commission of inquiry.

PKR and Loh capitalised on the incident and he was voted in as an MP in the 2008 General Election.

My businessman possesses the maverick spirit of the Thai “brothel king” and the secret recording talent of the former Kelana Jaya MP.

On Friday, when the businessman and I were walking to the restaurant, a random Chinese man in his 40s stopped us to shake his hand, openly offering his support. That man represents the angry Chinese voters who are eager to teach DAP and PKR a severe lesson.

Have you guessed who this businessman is that could tap into simmering Chinese anger?