Cultural exchange: Japanese expatriates and their children dancing together on stage in joyful scenes during Penang Bon Odori 2025 recently. — LIM BENG TATT/The Star
HOW have historical experiences – particularly the Japanese presence in Malaya – influenced Malaysia’s posture or public sentiment toward Japan in the post-independence era?
The founder of Universiti Malaya’s Malaysia-Japan Research Centre Dr Md Nasrudin Md Akhir (pic) says in the 1950s and 1960s, Malaysia-Japan relations remained limited, with the memories of war still fresh among Malaysians while Japan was preoccupied with post-war reconstruction.
“Yet, in an irony of history, despite these constraints, diplomatic relations between Malaysia and Japan were formally established on the very day of Malaya’s independence on Aug 31 1957.
“This milestone gradually fostered closer ties between the two countries and, to a certain extent, symbolised a conscious effort to move beyond the darker legacies of wartime occupation. Consequently, Japan has come to occupy a distinctive position in Malaysia’s foreign policy.”
Nasrudin also outlines six reasons behind the successful ties between Malaysia and Japan. He says firstly, although Japan had invaded Malaya for almost four years during the Second World War, it was nonetheless the first country in North-East Asia to establish diplomatic relations with Malaysia.
“By comparison, South Korea, North Korea, and China only established diplomatic ties with Malaysia in 1960, 1973, and 1974 respectively.
“Second, Japan was among the earliest states overall to recognise Malaysia diplomatically – doing so on the very day Malaysia achieved independence. This reflected a prioritisation of Japan within Malaysia’s broader foreign policy outlook.”
Nasrudin: Japanthe first country in North-East Asia to establish diplomatic relations with Malaysia.
Third, the efforts can be seen in November 1957, when Japan’s then prime minister Nobusuke Kishi became the first foreign head of government to pay an official visit to newly independent Malaya.
Nasrudin also says Malaysia’s friendliness towards Japan was presented during Japan’s then prime minister Kakuei Tanaka’s official tour of five Asian countries in January 1974, during which violent protests and anti-Japanese demonstrations erupted in several South-East Asian capitals such as Bangkok and Jakarta.
“In Malaysia, however, no such unrest occurred. Unlike in neighbouring states, concerns about Japanese neo-colonialism failed to ignite mass opposition or mobilise popular resentment.
“On the contrary, Malaysia actively welcomed Japanese investors, granting them wide opportunities and facilitating their presence in the local economy.”
Nasrudin says for the fifth reason, Malaysia was also the first country in South-East Asia to launch an explicit policy of “looking towards Japan” as a developmental model.
“This began with Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj’s announcement during Kishi’s 1957 visit, and was later revitalised by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad through the ‘Look East Policy’ in 1981, which sought to emulate Japan’s industrial discipline, work ethic, and developmental trajectory.
“The roots of Malaysia–Japan engagement, however, can be traced even earlier; in 1883, Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor spent 106 days in Japan, a gesture that symbolised Malaysia’s early recognition of Japan’s rising importance.”
And lastly, in in August 2007, Nasrudin says the late former prime minister Shinzo Abe – himself the grandson of Kishi – paid an official visit to Malaysia in conjunction with the nation’s 50th independence anniversary. Abe was the only foreign leader to attend this commemoration, underscoring the depth and symbolic resonance of the bilateral relationship, he notes.
But how would one interpret the generational shifts in leadership and public attitudes toward Japan, and what do these shifts reveal about the resilience or recalibration of bilateral ties?
Nasrudin says trade and investment have consistently formed a central pillar of Malaysia–Japan bilateral relations over the past 68 years. When Tunku Abdul Rahman made his visit to Japan in 1958, he explicitly invited Japanese companies to invest in Malaysia. Nasrudin says the following year, Nozawa Asbestos Cement Company became the first Japanese firm to invest in post-war Malaysia, establishing operations in Petaling Jaya in 1959.
“This early investment marked the beginning of Japan’s long-term economic presence in Malaysia.”
He points out that institutionally, bilateral economic cooperation was further strengthened with the establishment of the Malaysia–Japan Economic Association (MAJECA) and its counterpart, the Japan–Malaysia Economic Association (JAMECA), in 1977 under the leadership of then prime minister Tun Hussein Onn.
“These bodies provided structured platforms to promote dialogue, investment, and business collaboration between the two nations.”
In the period prior to 1982, Malaysia–Japan trade relations were characterised largely by a one-sided pattern, where Japanese investors and corporations dominated economic engagement, says Nasrudin. However, under the leadership of Dr Mahathir, bilateral economic ties evolved towards more balanced forms of collaboration, framed within the discourse of “strategic partnership”.
“This marked a departure from earlier patterns of dependence, signaling Malaysia’s ambition to engage Japan not merely as an investor but as a partner in industrialisation and development.”
Nevertheless, trade statistics consistently revealed a persistent structural imbalance and for nearly three decades, Malaysia’s trade with Japan recorded a continuous surplus in Japan’s favour, says Nasrudin.
“This recurring trend gave Kuala Lumpur legitimate grounds for unease and dissatisfaction with Tokyo. Over time, however, through deeper bilateral cooperation, Malaysia succeeded in reversing this trend and began recording a trade surplus with Japan.”
Nasrudin stresses that the transformation of Malaysia-Japan economic relations – from an initial donor-recipient dynamic to one of more equitable strategic partnership – represents both a historical achievement and a future imperative.
“To ensure that Kuala Lumpur–Tokyo relations remain relevant and significant within Malaysia’s evolving foreign policy framework, it is essential that this partnership be further optimised, building upon past successes while addressing structural asymmetries in trade and investment.”
Nasrudin says history of bilateral relations must be clearly understood regardless of who leads a nation, for it forms the foundation upon which meaningful foreign policy is formulated.
“In international relations, while contemporary developments in inter-state engagement are undeniably important, one cannot dismiss the fact that the historical trajectory of relations between nations inevitably shapes and guides the orientation of their foreign policies.
In many ways, Malaysia–Japan relationship – shaped by history, trade, investment, commerce, and above all, mutual respect –stands as a reflection of the broader dynamics that underpin ties between the two countries.
“Historical consciousness, therefore, is not merely a matter of remembrance; it is a critical foundation for strengthening bilateral relations and ensuring that cooperation evolves on the basis of trust, continuity, and shared understanding,” he says.
