Illuminating insights from KKB by-election

NESTLED amid the breathtaking verdant greenery of Selangor, Kuala Kubu Baharu – better known as KKB – stands as a testament to Malaysia's rich tapestry of history and nature.

Known for its lush landscapes that paint every view in vibrant hues of green, this charming town also boasts an illustrious past as a British colonial outpost, famously captured in the writings of renowned Malaysian author Rehman Rashid.

KKB once again captured the nation's attention with the recently concluded by-election on May 11. Its scenic beauty and historical significance provided a serene backdrop to the vibrant political activity during the campaign.

The late Lee Kee Hiong succumbed to cancer in March. She was first elected KKB assemblyman in May 2013 and retained the seat in two subsequent elections.

I travelled to KKB twice during the by-election and shared some insights and views with my fellow columnist, Joceline Tan.

As expected, Pakatan Harapan retained the seat despite a spirited campaign from Perikatan Nasional led by its Selangor chairman, Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali.

Pakatan’s Pang Sock Tao defeated Perikatan’s Khairul Azhari Saut by 3,869 votes. The other two candidates, one Independent and another from Parti Rakyat Malaysia, did not poll significant votes.

Pang's margin of victory surprised many, including me, because we expected a close fight between Pakatan and Perikatan.

Khairul's selection was a source of concern for some within Gerakan, which contested KKB on a Perikatan ticket in last year's state election.

Many in Gerakan wanted the party to field a candidate. However, after some internal discussions and deliberations, it was decided that Perikatan's leadership would determine the candidate, and ultimately, Khairul was chosen.

This brings me to an issue that always confronts political parties: how does it decide on candidates and whether or not it should contest the seat?

In this regard, Gerakan's leadership must be commended because it made way for a Bersatu candidate so that Perikatan could test its mettle in a mixed seat like KKB.

What works well for Perikatan in a seat with 65% Malays in the northern or central Malay Belt may not work in a mixed seat like KKB. And if Perikatan is serious about winning the next general election, it must win parliamentary seats with similar demographics to KKB.

Perikatan must also search for a more comprehensive and sophisticated political compact beyond harping on past achievements and the 3Rs of race, religion and royalty.

Perikatan must show what it can offer and soften its image amongst the non-Malays to give Gerakan a real opportunity to garner non-Malay votes. As things stand now, there is very little that Gerakan can do to improve its political fortunes and those of Perikatan as well.

There has been some quick analysis of the voting patterns in KKB, but a few data points stand out for me.

Pakatan did well with older voters, while Perikatan did better with younger ones.

Pakatan obtained approximately 30% of Malay support, 90% of Chinese support, 70% of Indian support and 60% of Orang Asli support.

Perikatan obtained approximately 70% of Malay, 10% of Chinese, and 30% of Indian support.

These numbers serve as a wake-up call for both coalitions.

Pakatan is battling voter fatigue and unhappiness over unkept manifesto promises, the rising cost of living and, to some extent, the racial narrative being propounded by the Opposition.

Perikatan has seen its Malay support dip since the last state election but has enjoyed some increase in non-Malay support, probably coming from former Barisan Nasional voters who did not want to vote for a DAP candidate.

Pakatan, too, must address the concerns of the Indian community because there has been a lot of grumbling over the government's failure to propose any meaningful "new deal" for the community.

Platitudes, promises and rhetoric can only take you so far. The government must do more to address chronic structural problems in the Indian community like poverty, substance abuse, economic opportunities and education.

The drop in Chinese votes for Pakatan could also be attributed to DAP's jabs at MCA, its colleague in the unity government.

DAP enjoys record Chinese support and does not need to belittle MCA or other parties that represent the Chinese.

On the Perikatan side, the loss of support among early voters (mainly civil servants) and the dip in Malay support are concerning because they would make the coalition's road to Putrajaya a lot bumpier.

I reckon the Prime Minister's outreach to the Malay community is starting to show some results, and it is unwise for Perikatan to treat Malay voters as a vote bank.

KKB has offered some crucial lessons for all political actors to buck up, work harder and do more for all Malaysians. At the same time, it is also a sensible indicator of changing voting trends and patterns almost 18 months after the last general election and the formation of the unity government.

But it is time for delivery as far as the government is concerned. The general election is 42 months away, and that is not a very long time.

The government must address pressing bread-and-butter issues. Further, global turmoil and uncertainty have made it hard for the government to craft long-term policies, but it is always wise to focus on small wins and low-lying fruit – such as day-to-day issues, public housing, public transport, education and infrastructure development as opposed to lofty promises that are unworkable and unrelatable.

In that sense, it is high time for the government to implement a Government Transformation Plan 2.0 as former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak did between 2009 and 2018.

As the dust settles on the KKB by-election, the electorate has spoken through their votes and the vibrant tapestry of issues and sentiments that came to the fore.

This election has proven to be a microcosm of broader national concerns spanning economic grievances, communal representation and the thirst for genuine political reform.

KKB's verdant hills and historical streets have whispered a compelling message, underscoring the urgent need for adaptive, inclusive and responsive governance from both sides of the political divide.