The PM’s one year in office

As the high political drama raged unabatedly last year, many did not expect Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob to last very long as Prime Minister. Most of us expected elections would be called soon after, and there would be a new government and possibly a new Prime Minister.

However, as they say, one day is a long time in politics, and one year is an eternity.

Ismail Sabri ascended to the top office in unlikely and inclement circumstances.

In early 2021, Malaysia was the only country to suspend Parliament to battle Covid. Despite the emergency proclamation, Covid raged untamed and robbed many families of their loved ones.

Further, economic headwinds made it hard for Malaysians to make ends meet.

However, a glimmer of hope came in the form of vaccines. A stellar vaccination programme pulled us back from an inevitable abyss.

However, unremitting political machinations and gyrations caused the resignation of Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin despite his sustained attempt to stay in power.

As Ismail Sabri loomed and his political stock in the ascendancy, the current governing coalition immediately coalesced around him, thinking he would be easier to "deal with."

However, politics provides the best on-the-job training. I know that first hand.

As soon as Ismail Sabri took the oath of office, he worked out a deal with the opposition bloc Pakatan Harapan. The deal was legal reforms in exchange for a confidence and supply arrangement. Muhyiddin tried to make the same deal but failed.

It was a rare moment of political maturity in a nation becoming accustomed to the “Punch

and Judy” politics of one-upmanship.

As Ismail Sabri slowly strengthened himself, the grapevine went into overtime. He was accused of going against the wishes of his party bosses.

It is not easy being number 3 in the party hierarchy but number 1 in the national order. It is bound to cause endless problems.

Many speculated that Umno would pull the plug on a government led by its vice-president, but many also warned Umno would not recover from such an act of political "hara-kiri".

Further, there was also pressure from Umno leaders facing legal troubles. Many expected Ismail Sabri to intercede, but Malaysia in 2022 is very different from Malaysia before the 13th General Election.

Each branch of government has grown more assertive and jealously guarding its realm. A weak executive will always allow the legislature and judiciary to grow in any Westminster-style government. And this is a boon for Malaysia because our institutions must be insulated from political parlour games.

Further, Ismail Sabri had to deal with a weakening ringgit, headwinds caused by turmoil in Europe due to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and China's persistent zero Covid strategy.

As an open trading nation, Malaysia is susceptible to global economic headwinds.

In assessing Ismail Sabri’s tenure, I think of PV Narashima Rao, the Indian Prime Minister who succeeded Rajiv Gandhi after the LTTE rebels assassinated him.

Rao was a Telegu Brahmin from present-day Telangana. Like Ismail Sabri, he was a lawyer. He served in the cabinets of Rajiv Gandhi and Indira Gandhi.

Rao was seen as the "nice guy" of the wily world of Indian politics. He rose to premiership due to tragedy but immediately worked with the opposition and technocrats to ensure his minority government would last a full term, and it did.

Like Ismail Sabri, Rao was sometimes at odds with his party but managed to keep party and government affairs on an even keel with continued and sustained engagement.

Rao was also a closet reformist. Despite towing the Congress party line of Nehruvian socialism, when he was prime minister, he unleashed the economic reforms that resulted in India becoming the economic powerhouse it is today. Rao also pushed India to look east and away from Russia, rekindled India’s nuclear programme and took a touch policy on terrorism in Punjab and Kashmir.

Ismail Sabri, too, has proven his reformist zeal. The anti-hopping law and implementation of Undi-18 are both significant as it stabilises and widens the political process, respectively.

Other reforms are in the pipeline, including returning Parliament's administrative powers to Parliament, limiting the prime minister's tenure to two terms, and introducing a political funding law.

So, Malaysia's unexpected prime minister could prove to be the most consequential if Ismail Sabri continues his reform plan with Pakatan's help thereby leaving a lasting legacy.

At the same time, while elections are essential to settle the many vexed political questions, it must be done when all the major reforms are in place because the government that comes after this may not be as committed to such reforms.

It also harkens back to Pakatan's initial days of power. Despite winning an astounding mandate, its prime minister faltered early and backtracked on many reforms. This failure has been hard to shake off even now. It is a cautionary tale for governments that over-promises and under-deliver.

Like Rao, Ismail Sabri may find it hard, but history will be kinder if he keeps pushing ahead with reforms Malaysia needs.

Rao lost the 1996 general election and largely faded into oblivion. However, some 18 years after his death, many Indian political commentators believe Rao was one of the best prime ministers India ever had because despite lacking political prowess and leading a minority government, he adopted a big tent approach and ensured reforms were put in place to help India realise its potential.

Similarly, while Ismail Sabri would not want to suffer the same fate as Rao as far as the impending elections are concerned, he must forge ahead with the reforms because Malaysians will come to value and even reward a government that delivers.

As Ismail celebrates his one year in office, I hope he does not lose sight of the good he can do.

Ivanpal S. Grewal