Rituals of a crowned democracy

Keeping the government to account until the next election must be inculcated and practised with vigilance, to ensure a healthy civic life in our country.

THE May 6 Coronation of King Charles III of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland – and of course his other 14 (for now) realms – provided for a spectacle of ancient traditions imbued with religious and constitutional significance.

Everything from the music, to the costumes, the military involvement and sequence of ceremonies either harked back to, or deliberately broke with, history.

Domestically, the pomp and splendour – aside from the tabloid speculations about members of the family – are central to the relationship between monarch and people, with a clear majority of Britons in favour of the system.

Foreign audiences (who have fewer opinions on the determination of the British head of state) enjoy it too, forming a strong component of the United Kingdom’s cultural diplomacy, already buttressed by the multitude of internationally-successful television series that centre around, or are inspired by, the British monarchy and aristocracy.

There is plenty of old-fashioned diplomacy too, of course, with visiting heads of state and government being invited not just to the formal ceremony, but receptions and other events taking advantage of their presence.

Malay Rulers have been attending the coronation of the British monarch for generations, ever since treaties were signed with one another. In the case of Negri Sembilan, the sixth Yang di-Pertuan Besar battled against British forces (one of whom received a Victoria Cross during the War of Bukit Putus), the seventh signed a treaty with Queen Victoria, and the eighth attended two British coronations – that of George VI in 1937 and Elizabeth II in 1953 – before he himself became the first Yang di-Pertuan Agong of the Federation of Malaya in 1957, when the Duke of Gloucester represented his niece at Stadium Merdeka.

The coronation of Charles III is the first that has been attended by a sitting Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia – and incidentally, the two monarchs played polo together in their younger days.

Meanwhile, the Raja Permaisuri Agong made sartorial headlines by proudly wearing to Westminster Abbey her modern baju kurung using Tenun Pahang weaved by inmates of Penor Prison, and in the following days the royal couple boosted our cultural diplomacy by highlighting Malaysian arts and crafts.

Indeed, the attendance of other monarchs from around the world seemed to generate particular interest from fashionistas, history buffs and constitutional enthusiasts. Even the most non-political social media accounts found themselves contributing to debates about the concept of monarchy.

In Malaysia, the monarchy was particularly credited for enabling the creation of a stable government after the last general election, the results of which led to the nation’s first hung Parliament. One new ambassador was simply in awe, saying: “in my country with no monarch, there is no way a prime minister would be appointed and accepted so soon after results like that.” Still, over the past few months there were rumours of the unity government’s demise, with crossovers (even with the now-enacted anti-hopping provisions) being speculated. But in recent days, politicians from the governing parties have emphasised their commitment to the arrangements, suggesting that a healthier democratic culture can spring from monarchical action.

However, we cannot simply rely on one set of politicians to provide stability. We must always seek to strengthen all our institutions, especially those that are interdependent on each other, and those which check and balance each other.

The first step, as I have long argued, is to introduce better civic education so that citizens understand the rationale and operation of all our institutions as provided by the Federal Constitution and other laws. Then, it is important to allow the requisite space for people to discuss and debate them. While there should of course be protections for people against defamation, I disagree with those who simply say that some topics are too “sensitive” and simply cannot be discussed.

Such an approach only bottles up frustration which may lead to resentment and even violence later on. Rather, if there are topics which are deemed sensitive, then all the more reason we should teach young people to think and communicate better. Likewise, those who believe in our system should have the courage to defend it.

As I mentioned in my speech at the 13th anniversary of the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (Ideas), rituals in our democracy – just as with the rituals of Hari Raya, or indeed a coronation – are important. The process of elections, forming governments in the aftermath and keeping governments to account until the next election: these are things that must be inculcated and practised with vigilance to ensure a healthy civic life in our country.

Let us hope that the interplay between monarch, institutions and people will ensure such health for generations to come.

Tunku Zain Al-‘Abiding is founding president of Ideas. The views expressed here are the writer’s own.