Green wave has become a Malay tsunami

WHAT started as a green wave turned into a blue wave but became a Malay tsunami in Melaka.

It all finally sunk in for Datuk Seri Ab Rauf Yusoh, who was sworn in as Chief Minister shortly after midday, that he had pulled off a landslide victory.

It was the most significant win that Barisan Nasional had seen in years.

The evening before, Ab Rauf’s facial expression had fluctuated between delight and disbelief as the results streamed in, showing one seat after another falling into his lap with astonishing margins of victory.

The hook-up between Barisan and Perikatan Nasional had swept 24 seats and it came with the realisation that their quest to reach Putrajaya is no more a fantasy.

It was a moment reminiscent of the Chinese tsunami in the 2013 general election when it dawned on Pakatan Harapan that they could go much further.

Many had teased Ab Rauf about the slogan with the Melaka slang: "Siapa lagi? Rauf ler!" But the Chief Minister does deserve a huge chunk of the credit for his single-minded approach to listen and serve the people, to push the state’s tourism agenda and to insist that his assemblymen “turun padang” (go to the ground) to connect with their constituents.

The Malay unity formula was first tested in Johor, implemented in Negri Sembilan and after its effectiveness in Melaka, it is set to be the playbook of the two coalitions in the general election.

“The transfer of Malay support between the two coalitions was seamless. It is evident that this is what Malays want and it means that Pakatan has a serious trust deficit among Malay voters. The other takeaway is that DAP still has a firm hold on the Chinese,” said Selangor Umno politician Datuk Faizal Abdullah.

Faizal is surprised that Umno and PAS, who used to fight tooth and nail, have been able to let bygones be bygones.

“Just as the Chinese felt empowered back in 2013, I think the Malays also realised they have the power to decide,” said Faizal.

The voter turnout of about 70% was tremendous for a snap election although that was largely driven by the high Malay turnout estimated at about 78%.

Reporters covering the Melaka campaign found it tame and uneventful, with few controversies. Everyone seemed to be playing safe.

Pakatan leaders did not lash out the way they used to and DAP’s primary concern was about holding on to what they have. They succeeded on that count.

The house arrest issue did not have the same impact as on the cafe society in the Klang Valley.

Umno had a smooth ride. Their service track record, which is close to the gold standard, spoke for itself.

The party has a real grassroots network and had already set up their bilik gerakan or operations centres everywhere even before the Election Commission set the election date.

Many of the Melaka YBs remind people of what grassroots politicians used to be - people who turned up in the middle of the night when their constituents are in trouble, who go around on motorcycles and sit on the floor when they drop in on their constituents.

It was not uncommon to hear voters say they are Pakatan supporters but want Barisan to continue taking care of Melaka.

Firebrand Dr Muhammad Akmal Saleh went further and posted a video of himself feeding one of his Indian constituents whom he called “ammah” during a Deepavali house visit.

These people are not only genuinely close to the people, they are also good actors.

Perhaps, the biggest disappointment was Bersama. The party fielded doctors, lawyers and other professionals and Rafizi’s ceramah presence was as interesting and informative as ever.

Bersama’s finale ceramah drew a crowd as big as that of Pakatan’s but voters, however, dissatisfied with the status quo, are not prepared for untested waters.

Bersama lost its deposits in 15 of the 16 seats contested. Rafizi is a tour de force on his own but he is half of what he used to be without an established party behind him.

Likewise, Bersatu lost its deposits in two of the seven seats contested and is like a man standing on one leg without the PAS political machinery.

According to the well-known photo-journalist, Jinggo, the Malay tsunami was not simply about Malay unity.

“Malays I met did not like the way Pakatan handled the pig-rearing issue in Selangor or the way they questioned Tuanku Agong’s conditional pardon for Datuk Seri Najib Razak. They think Pakatan is testing the boundaries,” said Jinggo.

Many Malays are stunned that people had questioned the royal pardon for Najib whereas none of the Malay parties had objected when the then King granted Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim a full pardon.

Pakatan is in deep trouble if we take the four state elections as trial runs for the next general election.

PKR, in particular, is not in a good place or as a party figure from Perak put it: “We don’t have anything new to sell.”

DAP’s ability to hold its own explains why Anwar needs DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke. It is the most steady pillar in Pakatan and is still the preferred choice of the Chinese.

But it seems to have lost the trust of the Malays who view it with suspicion and even fear.

If there is anything to learn from the string of state elections, it is that fear can be as powerful a driving force as hope when it comes to the vote.