From Turkiye to Putrajaya: Lessons in diplomatic ambition

Diplomacy and destiny

"Diplomacy is the will to stop the fire before it spreads further. It is the courage to prevent hostilities from becoming destiny."

Those were the words of Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan at the opening of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum (ADF) 2026, held April 17 to 19.

The words carry greater meaning when you consider who was in the room: Syrian President Ahmad Al Sharaa. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. Palestinian Foreign Minister Varsen Aghabekian. Bangladesh's Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman. Thomas Barrack, the US Ambassador to Türkiye and Special Envoy for Syria. And Pakistan Prime Minister, Shahbaz Sharif (who had just negotiated the first US-Iran ceasefire at the time).

In a world increasingly defined by geopolitical fracture, Türkiye managed to convene voices from active conflict zones, post-conflict reconstruction, the Global South, and major powers under one roof.

150 countries. More than 6,400 guests. Twenty-three heads of state and government. Fifty ministers. 66 international organisations. This sixth edition of ADF has certainly grown from its humble roots.

Giving the floor to the global south

Beyond presence and who was given space to speak, what struck me was how they used it.

Ahmad Al Sharaa's presence alone carried symbolic weight. Syria's reintegration into regional diplomacy, after years of isolation under the notorious Asad regime, is one of the defining stories of the moment, and Türkiye sits at its centre. His message was candid: Syria wants investment, reconstruction, and to rebuild. But the challenges are enormous, and the international community's response has been uneven at best.

Also present was Afghanistan's acting Industry and Commerce Minister Nooruddin Azizi, who represents the Taliban, speaking at a major international forum about trade, economic confidence-building, and the need to move beyond a purely security-centred approach to the region. One can debate the politics of inclusion. But the alternative, permanent exclusion, has not produced better outcomes either.

Namibia Deputy International Relations and Trade Minister Jenelly Matundu shared that under Namibia's first female president, the country now has a female vice president, a female Speaker of Parliament, and its first female director general of the national broadcaster as of April 1. The "zebra style" system of alternating men and women on party lists has made Namibia number one in Africa for women's representation, and number eight globally for gender equality.

"We are not where we were yesterday," she said.

Nigeria Defence Minister Christopher Gwabin Musa, speaker on terrorism plaguing his nation and continent, was blunt when he said “Terrorists… do not respect human rights... don't respect borders, don't respect sovereignty." Transnational threats demand collective responses — and more importantly, collective honesty about the scale of the problem.

The Global South is no longer waiting to be invited into the conversation. It is shaping it.

When the headlines change

One session I found particularly resonant was titled "Strategic Communications for Managing Uncertainties."

Serdar Karagöz, Anadolu Ajansı president and CEO — a major global news agency — held up a sequence of New York Times front pages covering the same Gaza hospital strike. The headline had been quietly softened across editions: from one that attributed the strike clearly, to versions that progressively hedged, qualified, and diluted. Same image. Same event. Different words.

His point was not simply about editorial choices. It was about accountability. More journalists have been killed in the Gaza genocide than in any comparable conflict in modern history — including colleagues he knew personally. The room went quiet.

As a columnist and someone who has spent years thinking about the relationship between language and power, I felt that moment acutely. Words matter. How we frame suffering — what we call it, how loudly we say it, whether we allow the headline to be softened — is itself a moral act.

Moderating the Asean panel

I had the privilege of moderating a panel on Asean's external partnerships in an era of strategic rivalry, joined by Cambodia Foreign Affairs Ministry Secretary of State Meas Kim Heng; Singapore Foreign Affairs and Trade Minister of State Gan Siow Huang; and Dr. Hatice Çelik from Türkiye.

The central question: how does Asean stay open, neutral, and effective when the world keeps insisting it choose sides?

There was meaningful consensus. Singapore's Minister Gan was direct: Türkiye's expertise in green and digital economy "can bring added value to Asean”. Cambodia's Kim Heng added that Türkiye's Asia Anew initiative, read alongside the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, "provides a useful basis for mutually beneficial cooperation". Both agreed that when the current moratorium lifts, Türkiye is on track to become a full Asean Dialogue Partner.

Dr. Çelik rightly noted that commitment must be sustained – rather than episodic – and this is achieved by partnerships that are built on sustained mechanisms, institutional memory and continued dialogue.

For Malaysia — which talks often about diversifying its external partnerships — Türkiye's deepening engagement with Asean is worth watching closely.

The bigger picture

President Erdoğan's remarks during the ADF2026 opening framed the stakes plainly: the world is experiencing not only a crisis of power, but also "a crisis of direction." International mechanisms tasked with protecting human rights and global security, he said, "remain ineffective in the face of the gravest attacks and often, regrettably, indifferent."

What the ADF2026 demonstrated is that in a fragmented world, the ability to convene matters – not the ability to dictate outcomes – and to create the conditions where difficult conversations can happen between parties that would not otherwise share a table.

Türkiye has built that capacity deliberately, over years.

Malaysia has its own strengths — middle power, non-aligned, with relationships across the Islamic world, Asean, and the Global South. What’s important next is to use it strategically – and more importantly -- consistently over time.

Antalya offers one possible model. Malaysia is an opportune and historic position to do the same.