Why China’s Gen Z is embracing Mao


By LI YUAN

Still revered: Preparing for last week’s event marking the 100th founding anniversary of the Communist Party of China, Chinese military band members practice in front of a portrait of Mao in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. — Reuters

THEY read him in libraries and on subways. They organised online book clubs devoted to his works. They uploaded hours of audio and video, spreading the gospel of his revolutionary thinking. Chairman Mao is making a comeback among China’s Generation Z.

The Communist Party’s supreme leader is inspiring and comforting disaffected people born long after his death in 1976. To them, Mao Zedong is a hero who speaks to their despair as struggling nobodies.

In a modern China grappling with widening social inequality, Mao’s words provide justification for the anger young people feel towards a business class they see as exploitative. They want to follow in his footsteps and change Chinese society.

The Mao fad lays bare the paradoxical reality facing China’s Communist Party, which celebrated the centenary of its founding on July 1. Under President Xi Jinping, the party has made itself central to nearly every aspect of Chinese life and claiming credit for the economic progress the country has made.

At the same time, economic growth is weakening and opportunities for young people seem to be dwindling. There is a growing wealth gap, unaffordable housing and a lack of labour protections. The party must find a way to placate or tame this new generation of Maoists that it helped create, or it could face challenges in governing.

“The new generation is lost in this divided society, so they will look for keys to the problems,” a Maoist blogger wrote on the WeChat social media platform. “In the end, they’ll definitely find Chairman Mao.”

Class struggle revisited

In interviews and online posts, many young people said they could relate to Mao’s analysis of Chinese society as a constant class struggle between the oppressed and their oppressors.

“Like many young people, I’m optimistic about the country’s future but pessimistic about my own,” said Du Yu, 23, who is suffering from burnout from his last job as an editor at a blockchain start-up in the tech-obsessed Chinese city of Shenzhen.

Mao’s writing, he said, “offers spiritual relief to small-town youth like me”.

Chinese technology workers are often expected to work 9am to 9pm six days a week, a practice so common that they call it “996”.

Du’s schedule was worse. After he slept only five hours over three days late last year, his heart raced, he was short of breath and he grew sluggish. He quit shortly after. He hasn’t looked for a job in three months and seldom ventures outside. A doctor diagnosed mild depression.

“Most of my peers I know still want to succeed,” Du said. “We’re simply against exploitation and meaningless striving.”

While Mao never went away, he was once out of fashion. In the 1980s, as freedom and free markets became buzz words, young people turned to books by Friedrich Nietzsche, Jean-Paul Sartre and Milton Friedman. Studying Mao was required in school, but many students blew off those lessons.

Today’s Gen Z in China are harking back to the feelings a much older generation had for Mao. In this 1966 file photo, portraits of the Great Leader and books are being held up at a public rally in Beijing. — APToday’s Gen Z in China are harking back to the feelings a much older generation had for Mao. In this 1966 file photo, portraits of the Great Leader and books are being held up at a public rally in Beijing. — AP

After the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, martial arts novels and books by successful entrepreneurs dominated bestseller lists.

But China has become fertile ground for a Mao renaissance. Nominally a socialist country, China is among the world’s most unequal countries. Some 600 million Chinese, or 43% of the population, earn only about US$150 (RM628) a month.

Many young people believe they can’t break into the middle class or outearn their parents. The apparent lack of upward social mobility has made them question the party, which they believe is too tolerant of the capitalist class.

The party’s growing presence in everyday life has also opened doors for Maoism. Intensifying indoctrination under Xi has turned the youth both more nationalistic and more immersed in communist ideology.

“Dying for the country? Yes,” goes one online slogan. “Dying for the capitalists? Never!” New catchphrases among the young reveal this Mao-friendly mindset.

With wages beginning to stagnate, young people talk about a “consumption downgrade”. Their employers work them so hard that they call themselves “wage slaves”, “corporate cattle” and “overtime dogs”. A growing number are saying they would rather become slackers, using the Chinese phrase “tang ping”, or “lie flat.”

Those attitudes have helped make the five volumes of The Selected Works of Mao Zedong popular again. Photos of fashionably dressed young people reading the books on subways, at airports and in cafés are circulating online.

Students at the Tsinghua University library in Beijing borrowed the book more than any others in 2019 and last year, according to the library’s official WeChat account.

“I’ll definitely reread the Selected Works again and again in the future,” a young blogger named Mukangcheng wrote on Douban, a Chinese social media service focused on books, film and other media. “It has the power to make a person searching in darkness see the light. It makes my weak soul strong and broadens my narrow worldview.”

Mukangcheng, who declined to give me his real name, uses an email account named Left Left. His portrait is a red Mao badge. His posts concern high pork prices and lack of money for his phone bills. In 2018, when he visited the site of the Communist Party’s first national congress in Shanghai, he wrote in the visitors’ book, quoting Mao, “Never forget class struggle!”

Others commenting online about Selected Works said they saw themselves in the young Mao, an educated village youth from a backwater province trying to make it in the early 1900s in the big city then known as Peking.

They usually call Mao “teacher”, a term he preferred to call himself.

‘Who are our enemies?’

Many social media users like to quote the first sentence of the first volume: “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends?” Mao wrote in 1925. “This is a question of the first importance for the revolution.”

Many say their biggest enemies are the capitalists who exploit them. The biggest target of their ire is Jack Ma, the co-founder of the Alibaba e-commerce empire.

He was once cheered as the embodiment of the Chinese dream. Now they jeer at his comments supporting the 996 work culture and saying business itself is the biggest philanthropy.

“Workers are only money-making tools for people like him,” said Xu Yang, 19.

Ma later walked back his remarks, saying he wanted only to pay tribute to workers who put in long hours out of love for their jobs.

Online calls for violence against capitalists – such as the French Revolution’s cry to hang the aristocrats from lamp posts, “à la lanterne!” – go uncensored on China’s Internet.

Xu, a high school graduate in southern Zhejiang province who wants to major in fashion design in college, said he read Mao because he wanted to change China for the better. The portrait on his Douban account is an old poster of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao with the slogan, “Long live Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought!”

He describes himself in his bio as “a revolutionary proletarian soldier”.

The anti-establishment sentiment of Maoist youth doesn’t stop at the capitalist class. The radical ones are also questioning why the party allows deepening social inequality.

“Didn’t the proletariat win the revolution?” Xu asked. “But why are the masters of the country now at the bottom while the targets of the proletarian dictatorship are on top? What has gone wrong?” – The Straits Times

The Asia News Network (ANN) is an alliance of 24 news media entities. The Asian Editors Circle is a series of commentaries by editors and contributors of ANN.

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