FILE PHOTO: Leader of Bhumjai Thai Party Anutin Charnvirakul, centre, reacts after lawmakers voted to select him as new prime minister, at the Parliament in Bangkok, Thailand, Friday, Sept. 5, 2025. - AP
BANGKOK: As the political landscape shifts, career politicians are quick to adapt to new conditions to stay close to the levers of power. The old saying that “life in opposition is one of hunger and hardship” still rings true today.
Many political factions have now turned their attention to Bhumjaithai, much as they once clung to previous ruling coalitions in earlier eras. Whoever rises to power, these groups always find a reason to join.
Bhumjaithai, the key pillar of Anutin Charnvirakul’s government, now controls two “Grade A” ministries, Interior and Transport, both crucial tools for consolidating political influence. These power bases alone are enough to lure defectors into the party’s fold, ensuring a steady stream of recruits to its “blue camp.”
The real test will be how these powers are divided in the months ahead, with most major responsibilities expected to remain firmly under Bhumjaithai’s grip. On stage in Ang Thong and later at a by-election rally in Si Sa Ket, Anutin made it clear: Prime Minister’s Office Minister Paradorn Prissananantakul will oversee the Budget Bureau.
Meanwhile, Anutin’s own command of the Interior Ministry provides him with a direct pathway to extend his authority into the entire security apparatus, the military and the police, creating a fully centralised chain of control.
It is highly unlikely that such critical responsibilities will be transferred to deputy prime ministers from other parties. The only possible exception might be Sophon Sarum, a Buriram heavyweight and deputy prime minister without a ministerial portfolio, who could be entrusted with certain military-police-related matters or even oversight of the Justice Ministry, depending on the level of confidence shown by the real Bhumjaithai leadership.
The emerging outlines of Bhumjaithai’s political strategy suggest a three-pillar power base built on security, local administration and transport, a framework that could be used to expand its political dominance.
The model bears resemblance to the “Three Ps” era of General Prayut Chan-o-cha’s government, when the three brothers-in-arms divided responsibilities with precision: Prayut as prime minister overseeing overall governance, Prawit Wongsuwan handling security, and Anupong Paochinda managing the Interior Ministry.
Bhumjaithai enjoys an added advantage in this equation: prior control of the Transport Ministry during the Prayut administration. After the 2019 election, the ministry, under Saksayam Chidchob, became a powerful instrument for building networks and consolidating influence. This marked a turning point that enhanced the party’s ability to attract defectors and expand its reach.
Heading into the next election, Bhumjaithai is well-equipped with resources, people, patronage and political funding to spread its influence across key regions, particularly in the central, northeastern and southern provinces. Whether these efforts will achieve the desired results remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, as Bhumjaithai presses ahead, Pheu Thai and its coalition partners, the Democrats and United Thai Nation, find themselves in survival mode. Their strategy now centres on elevating new political figures as potential prime ministerial candidates in a bid to revive popularity.
For Pheu Thai, aside from the name of Nuttaphong Kunakornwong, husband of Pintongta Shinawatra, reports suggest two more potential nominees: one directly linked to the Shinawatra family and another with an academic background in law.
Following the resignation of Chalermchai Sri-on as Democrat Party leader, no figure has yet emerged with the same level of support and credibility as former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, the country’s 27th premier. Abhisit continues to command backing from within the party and among former colleagues.
For the United Thai Nation Party, Pirapan Salirathavibhaga remains confident in his leadership despite the party machinery splintering and members scattering in different directions.
All three parties now face the same challenge: fighting for survival and seeking a turning point to regain momentum. This will not be easy, as each has already passed its peak. Some risk fading into extinction, while others may shrink from major parties to medium-sized players.
Meanwhile, their struggle is compounded by the rising influence of Bhumjaithai. The party’s growing reach across multiple regions and institutions has further weakened the resilience of its rivals.
Beyond the three core levers of executive power, security, local administration and transport, the role of independent agencies may also prove decisive. Legal cases can become bargaining chips in persuading politicians to switch camps.
In this respect, the current “two Ns” era of powerbrokers (Anutin and Newin Chidchob) bears striking similarities to the “Three Ps” formula of the Prayut government. - The Nation/ANN
